Reburial of Imre Nagy
Based on a translation of the Hungarian Wikipedia page https://hu.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nagy_Imre_%C3%BAjratemet%C3%A9se The reburial, on on June 16th, of Imre Nagy, the Prime Minister of the 1956 Revolution was one of the most influential symbolic events in 1989. In spring 1988, János Kádár, secretary general of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party in an interview with an American television, stated that Imre Nagy could not be rehabilitated. But Kádár, whose rule was linked to the execution of Imre Nagy, was still inhabited by the late martyr Prime Minister, a massive mass redemption that began with a solemn commemoration of the Heroes' Square in Budapest. History The re-burial took place 31 years after the execution of Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter and Miklós Gimes in 1958. On June 16, at dawn, the executed people - were buried within the precinct of the National Prison, excavated with digging equipment. The country was informed about the execution the next day, but nobody knew what happened to the corpses apart from the initiators. Two and a half years later, on February 24, 1961, the coffins were dug up, covered with tar paper and buried in the nearby New Cemetery in plain graves. The tombs were given surnames - that of Imre Nagy's grave was Borbíró Piroska. Over the next few decades, János Kádár's dictatorship of statehood stamped the 1956 revolution a counter-revolution and its counter-revolutionaries who deserved their fate as enemies of the people. With the help of Soviet weapons, however, the legitimacy of the Kádár regime, which overwhelms the revolution of the people, and the legitimacy of the legitimate government, has always been seen as questionable. These question marks emerged in the emigrant Hungarian press and literature, in the Hungarian Sami Literature and then in the open scene, after Hungarian public life had shaken censorship from the end of the 1980s. The political turning point was in 1989 on January 28 1989, during the trip abroad of Károly Grósz, Prime Minister and Party Secretary, Imre Pozsgay, leader of the Communist Party's opposition, called the 1956 events as a popular uprising, removing the stigmatized counter-revolutionary sign. This gesture, although its reception within the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party was not unequivocal, clearly indicated the dissolution of the legitimacy of the Kadar system and the beginning of the re-habilitation of Imre Nagy. Political Preparations Among the events of the establishment of the political conditions of the recapture, in May 1988, the special session of the MSZMP replaced János Kádár's supreme party leader. Soon after several months of preparation, the Historical Justice Committee, which urged the recapture and rehabilitation of the executed, called for the communion of communion commemoration to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the execution of Imre Nagy on 16 June. On the anniversary of the city center in Budapest it was unthinkable: protesters chanted Imre Nagy's name. The demonstration was roughly torn apart, but the growing political pressure became apparent. The new party leader and prime minister visiting the United States, Károly Grósz, described the propaganda as stopping at Imre Nagy's rehabilitation, but recalling humane circumstances was called a possible 56-year-old daughter of József Szilágyi's daughter in a press conference. The dam was broken. It lasted for many months until the Political Committee of the MSZMP (PB) 1988. On 29 November, it issued a resolution on resolving pardon issues relating to persons convicted and executed for political offenses in counterrevolutionary events. Even then, it was conceived as a series of closed-ended events in a tight circle with relatives. In the coming months, however, it became clear that this was not the case, and the need for public clarification was obvious. A new classification of the 1956 events by Imre Pozsgay only added oil to the fire. On 7 February 1989 Pozsgay stated at a meeting that the term "popular uprising" was valid because there was no anti-Soviet edge, but proceeded to qualify it as a revolution for the event - as it turned out only temporarily. To the demonstration The Historical Justice Committee, 1989. On 14 February, he agreed with the Ministry of Justice with Secretary of State Gyula Borics that on the 16th of June may be the recurrence, but only as a "normal" funeral in the Újköztemető. In opposition to the opposition and the TIB, the need for a re-drama is accompanied by a mass demonstration. Péter Tölgyessy, for example, justified this claim that organizations such as the Opposition Roundtable would also benefit from such a demonstration because the Communist Party is constantly shaking under the brunt of having no mass support while the MSZMP has eight hundred thousand members. Within the MSZMP, there was a sharp debate within the national parliament about whether to block the demonstration, but by May it was decided by the public that they did not do so, and then there was a debate on how to save, which could save and hurt political benefits inevitably including disadvantages. The "reformers" within the party - Maria Ormos, T. Berend, Béla Katona, Gyula Horn - demanded that Imre Nagy be immediately rehabilitated and speeded up the revision of his lawsuit with Károly Grósz and János Bereczagainst. Finally, the statement emphasized that the funeral should be the "day of national reconciliation", defining for decades the main direction of the Communist successor party's messages regarding the 1956 revolution. For many, with the recapitulation of communist politicians, this already indicated that the MSZMP would try to embrace the legacy of the anti-communist revolution (a protrusion such as the opposition Inconnu Group, which has long been invasive for the relapse). For the majority, however, the relapse symbolized the break-up with the history of Kádár and the promise of new promises to come. A month later, Hungary's Kádár demonstrated its strength: after Kádár himself died, hundreds of thousands of people followed his last trip. Research on Plot 301 Read more Plot 301 The Redemption In Budapest, on the Heroes Square, preparations were taking place a few minutes after 7 am. In front of the façade of the Műcsarnok, which had been transformed into gigantic crowns in the previous days, Imre Nagy, Miklós Gimes, Géza Losonczy, Pál Maléter, József Szilágyi coffins and coffin of unknown martyrs were placed in their place to which a Hungarian flag with a holes symbolizing the 1956 Revolution was laid. At 7 o'clock 45, the first wreaths were in their place, and in the meantime they closed the final briefing to the Guard Guard in the open hall of the Arts Hall, and after a certain dispute, they decided that the members of the Fidesz were not the veterans, but the Fidesz members. At 9 o'clock 6 pm the wreath began to begin, the official bodies appeared only later, and at that time everybody had their flowers as private. About thirty-two of them stayed in the square, hundreds of foreign-accredited TV and photographers came to commemorate. At 10 o'clock Imre Sinkovits actor read the commemoration. At 10 o'clock, at 10 o'clock the flowers were slowly creeping in a row, the names of the victims of the executions after 1956 ranged from the loudspeakers, László Mensáros, Károly Rékasi and Orosz Helga were named for three quarters of an hour. Almost 70 organizations subscribed to the wreath order started at 11 o'clock. First of all, the hometown of Imre Nagy, the citizens of Kaposvár placed the wreath of grace, followed by representatives of the Parliament, the Council of Ministers, the Hungarian Churches, foreign embassies, trade unions and diplomatic corps, then the former fellow warriors, former classmates and offspring, private individuals. At 12:30 and one minute, life stopped and bells rang all over the country. The pedestrians were silent for one minute and the drivers stopped and dared to remember the memory of Imre Nagy and his martyrs. Then the speakers spoke in the Heroes' field in the name of Nagy Imre's fighters and the survivors of the conceptual litigation. Speakers: Miklós Vásárhelyi, Sándor Rácz, Imre Mécs, Tibor Zimányi, Béla Király and Viktor Orbán. Viktor Orbán, the first to call for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the national public, was the most frustrating speech . "In fact, in 1956, the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party took us out of our youth - today's youth. Therefore, in the sixth coffin is not just a beaten young man, but his next twenty or so who is the number of years he is lying there, "the words that have often been cited since then have been heard. Commemoration was concluded shortly before 13.30, with the Hymn. During reverence for nearly 5 hours, people came to the forefront with their flowers in stubborn lines. At the end of the event, coffins and immense amount of flowers were put on mourners. The narrower range of mourners, friends, the fewer invited - at least a thousand - started off in a disciplined line to the cemetery. The journey at a dignified pace was crowded with hundreds of people. The silence of the tribute was no one and nothing was disturbed. With a barely audible engine jumble , the dead-carriages filled with flowers and the subsequent family cars, and dozens of buses, crashed through the sealed-off route to Rákoskeresztúr. At the cemetery doorway, another hundred were waiting for the go-ahead for the last time to say good-bye to the dead. The car arrived with a police car. After the coffins were placed at their destination, they were placed on the roof windows and the ceremony began. Iván Darvas and László Mensáros read the names of over two hundred executions in alphabetical order. When I came to a name, sometimes there was a religious or civil ceremony at the grave. The Catholic Church was represented by the bishop of Piarist rule in István Jelenits, and the Lutheran Church was Béla Harmati, the bishop of the Southern Church District and László Donáth. Baptist Pastor Győző Dobner and Methodist Pastor Gábor Iványi represented free churches. Rabbi Tamas, the chief rabbi, blessed the tomb of Israeli victims. The Reformed Church was represented by Tivadar Pánczél and Olivér Cövek. Miklós Molnár, a former journalist colleague , spoke to Miklós Gimes. Géza Losonczy, Antal Gyenes, Pál Maléter, Bela Harmati evangelical bishop said goodbye. Imre Nagy, his former friend, Tibor Méray and Sándor Kopácsi, said goodbye, and József Szilágyi's coffin was spoken by journalist Pál Lőcsei . After the hundreds names, the last time the deposition of the coffin of unknown martyrs was brought together with Imre Nagy's coffin on parcel 301 and buried next to him. Ferenc Forgách and Jenő Fónay spoke here . Finally, they were blessed by the uninhabited lieutenants and church people were saying goodbye to the martyrs. At the end of the three-hour ceremony, during the revelation of the Hymn , the coffins were released for their final retirement. Evaluation of the funeral According to most contemporary judgments, the relapse was a symbolic closing act of the history of the Hungarian communist regime. This later became shaded, as many years later did not think that Hungary was rid of the communist legacy and that the formation of the image of the 1956 revolution was not a closed process. The assessment was not even in the beginning as stated by one of Gergely Pongrátz's statements: "Before the funeral came to me in Arizona, the New York Consul, I was a guest for three days, and I was persuaded to come home to the Imre Nagy funeral. I said, if all the executions are buried, I'm coming, but the five Communists can be buried without me, so I'm not coming. The Inconnu Group and György Krassó, who played an important role in the reenactment, already warned that the Communists could shape and exploit the legacy of the Revolution in their own image." Category:Hungary Category:Events